Originally Published on TheTricontinental.org
After many decades of stasis, we see the growth of a ‘new mood’ in the Global South. Though only a hint of a new possibility, it holds tremendous democratic potential, with sovereignty at its centre.
In the last days of March, I was in China’s new city of Xiong’an, less than a two-hour drive from Beijing. The city is being built to relieve congestion in the capital, but it will also be home to women and men who are eager to develop China’s new quality productive forces and will be the centre of universities, hospitals, research institutes, and innovative technology companies, including high-tech farming. Xiong’an has the ambition of reaching ‘net-zero’ carbon dioxide emissions while using big data to harness social science to improve the quality of people’s everyday lives.
The city is built amidst a massive web of lakes, rivers, and canals, with Lake Baiyangdian at its heart. On a chilly afternoon, a group of us – including Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research team members Tings Chak, Jie Xiong, Jojo Hu, Grace Cao, and Atul Chandra – took a boat across the lake to visit a museum dedicated to the fight against Japanese imperialism. The hour walking around the museum and the return to the water was magical. When the Imperial Japanese Army took Hebei Province (with Beijing at its heart), they attempted to suppress the peasantry, including the farmers and fisherfolk in the Lake Baiyangdian region. Resistance by the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the area led the Japanese forces to conduct reprisals against the villages on the small islands and the edge of the large lake. The CPC, with the assistance of former military officers, built the Jizhong Anti-Japanese Base and then the Yanling Guerrilla Detachment. To be on the water of this massive lake complex, to be skirting around on a boat between the islands of reeds and to imagine the brave farmers and fisherfolk in their small boats fighting the Japanese army in their fast Daihatsudōtei landing boats!
The close link between the mass struggles of the decades before the period of decolonisation that began in the last years of the 1940s produced what was later known as the Bandung Spirit. The term refers to the meeting held in that Indonesian city in 1955, which brought together the heads of government of twenty-nine countries from Africa and Asia to discuss and build the Third World Project, which proposed specific policies to transform the international economic order and build an anti-racist, anti-fascist society. At the time, the relationship between the leadership that developed the project and the masses in their countries was organic. That relationship allowed the idea of the Bandung Spirit to become a material force that drove an internationalist agenda across the continents of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (after the Cuban Revolution of 1959).
However, as we show, the Bandung Spirit was largely wiped out by the 1980s, a victim of the violence against anti-colonial movements by the former imperialist powers (such as through coups, wars, sanctions) and the debt crisis imposed on these countries by the Western financial systems (whose value had itself been created through colonial theft). It would be misleading to suggest that the Bandung Spirit is alive and well. It exists, but largely as nostalgia and not as the result of the organic link between masses in struggle and movements on the threshold of power.
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There is a broad understanding that the IMF-led policy of importing debt and exporting unprocessed commodities is no longer viable.
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There is a recognition that to take orders from Washington or from the European capitals is not only counterproductive to national interests but deeply colonial. Confidence slowly developed in Global South countries, which no longer felt they should mute their own ideas but should articulate them clearly and directly.
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There is an acknowledgement that the industrial growth of China and other locomotives of the Global South (mainly located in Asia) have changed the balance of forces in the world, particularly in being able to provide alternative funding sources for countries that have become reliant on Western bondholders and the IMF.
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This confidence has shown that China can aid but cannot by itself save the Global South, and that Global South countries must develop their own plans and their own resources alongside working with China and other locomotives of the Global South.
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The importance of central planning has returned to the table after decades of neoliberal disparagement. The attrition of state institutions, including planning ministries, has shown that countries in the Global South must build up both technical competence and public-sector enterprise. Regional cooperation will be necessary to develop these competencies.
The Ocean adjoins Mount Krakatau
Mount Krakatau adjoins the Ocean
The Ocean may not run dry
Though the hurricane roars
Krakatau does not bend
Though the typhoon rages
The Ocean is the People
Krakatau is the Party
The two always close together
The two adjoining one another
The Ocean adjoins Mount Krakatau
Mount Krakatau adjoins the Ocean.
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Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power.